Apr 30, 2015

Rise of the New Black Radicals by Chris Hedges



The almost daily murders of young black men and women by police in the United States—a crisis undiminished by the protests of groups such as Black Lives Matter and by the empty rhetoric of black political elites—have given birth to a new young black militant.

This militant, rising off the bloody streets of cities such as Ferguson, Mo., understands that the beast is not simply white supremacy, chronic poverty and the many faces of racism but the destructive energy of corporate capitalism. This militant has given up on electoral politics, the courts and legislative reform, loathes the corporate press and rejects established black leaders such as Barack Obama, Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton and Michael Eric Dyson. This militant believes it is only in the streets and in acts of civil disobedience that change is possible. And given the refusal of the corporate state to address the mounting suffering of the poor and working poor, draconian state repression and indiscriminate use of lethal state violence against unarmed people of color, I think the new black radical is right. It will be a long, hot and violent summer.

The world’s hundreds of millions of disenfranchised youths—in America this group is dominated by the black and brown underclass—come out of the surplus labor created by our system of corporate neofeudalism. These young men and women have been discarded as human refuse and are preyed upon by a legal system that criminalizes poverty. In the United States they constitute the bulk of the 2.3 million human beings locked in jails and prisons. The discontent in Ferguson, Athens, Cairo, Madrid and Ayotzinapa is one discontent. And the emerging revolt, although it comes in many colors, speaks many languages and has many belief systems, is united around a common enemy. Bonds of solidarity and consciousness are swiftly uniting the wretched of the earth against our corporate masters.

Corporate power, which knows what is coming, has put in place sophisticated systems of control that include militarized police, elaborate propaganda campaigns that seek to make us fearful and therefore passive, wholesale surveillance of every citizen and a court system that has stripped legal protection from the poor and any who dissent. The masses are to be kept in bondage. But the masses, especially the young, understand the game. There is a word for what is bubbling up from below—revolution. It can’t begin soon enough.
The global leadership for this revolt comes not from the institutions of privilege, elite universities where ambitious and self-centered young men and women jockey to become part of the ruling 1 percent, but from the squalid internal colonies that house the poor and usually people of color. The next great revolutionary in America won’t look like Thomas Jefferson. He or she will look like Lupe Fiasco.

T-Dubb-O is a hip-hop artist from St. Louis. He is one of the founders, along with Tef PoeTory Russell, Tara Thompson and Rika Tyler, of Hands Up United. The organization was formed in the wake of the murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson. It has built close alliances with radical organizations in Brazil and elsewhere in Latin American, in Europe and in Palestine.

“I honestly think it’s going to be worse than last year, this summer,” T-Dubb-O said when I met with him and Tyler at Princeton University, where they had gone to speak to students. “People have become more radical,” he said. “They’ve realized the power that they have. They’re no longer afraid of the police, the state, but also you have a police and a military force that’s been training for a year to deal with this type of circumstance. So I honestly think this summer is gonna be worse. More violence from the police, and this time you won’t have a group of people who is just gonna sit there and let it happen to ’em—you’re gonna have people that are actually gonna fight back instead of just continue to be peaceful protesters. Right now everybody is just on edge. I mean, it’s the same situation we was in before Mike Brown. People that don’t have jobs, there’s crime everywhere, there’s drugs everywhere, there’s predator policing. It’s the same circumstances, it’s just no cameras.”

“In my city every day, police is pulling somebody over, harassing them, extorting them,” he said. “Because that’s what it is—it’s legal extortion. When a government is making 30 to 40 percent of their yearly budget off of tickets, fines and imprisonment, it’s extortion. It’s the same thing the mob did in the ’20s. So we fight. We can’t go back to normal lives. We get followed, harassed, death threats, phones tapped, social media watched, they hack into our emails, hack into our social media account, we all got FBI files. They know we here right now. So I mean it’s not a game, but it’s either continue to deal with not being able to just live like a regular person, and dream, and have an opportunity, or get up and do something about it. And we decided to do something.”

Tyler said she was propelled into the movement by seeing the body of Michael Brown, which the Ferguson police left lying in the street for more than four hours.

“I went to Canfield [Drive, where Brown was killed],” she said when we spoke. “I saw the body. I saw the blood. I just broke down. And ever since then I’ve just been out there [as an activist] every day.”

“They left [Brown] in the street for four and a half hours in the hot sun on concrete, just for display,” she said. “That reminded me of a modern-day lynching. Because you know, they used to lynch slaves and then have it displayed. And that’s basically showing us that this system is not built for us. It made me wake up a little bit more.”

“Just envision a debtor’s prison being run by a collusion between city officials, police and court judges, who treated our community like an ATM machine,” Tyler said. “Because that’s all they did. Ferguson is in St. Louis County. It’s 21,000 people living in 8,100 households. So it’s a small town. Sixty-seven percent of the residents are African-American. Twenty-two percent live below poverty level. A total of $2.6 million [were paid in fines to city officials, the courts and the police] in 2013. The Ferguson Municipal Court disposed of 24,532 warrants and 12,018 cases. That’s about three warrants per household. One and a half cases for each household. You don’t get $321 in fines and fees and three warrants per household from an average crime rate. You get numbers like this from racist bullshit, arrests from jaywalking, and constant low-level harassment involving traffic stops, court appearances, high fines and the threat of jail for failure to pay.”

“For an example,” she went on, “I got pulled over. I turned a left [illegally] and my car was searched. I was met with three different officers, two detectives. I got a traffic ticket. I had a ticket because I didn’t have my license on me. So I had a ticket for not having my license, and then I got a ticket from turning the wrong way. I did not go to court because I was out of town. However, I called them and told them I will not appear to court and my lawyer would handle it from there. I got a letter in the mail that said failure to appear to court, and they have a warrant out for my arrest. They’re threatening to take my license and suspend it because I didn’t appear to court. So these are just the things that had happened in St. Louis right now. You can get a ticket from walking across the street, or a ticket from not cutting your grass, and then you’re stuck in this system that they put us in, that is oppressed, and keeps us oppressed.”

“I was arrested when I was pregnant, I was 37 weeks and I was arrested in St. Charles County by four white officers,” she said. “They took me into custody when I had this big-ass stomach. And I’m like, I’m pregnant. I had a traffic ticket for parking in the wrong meter. And they wrote me a ticket and I never paid it, so they took me. I had a warrant out for my arrest. I sat in jail, pregnant, had my baby a week early because I was stressed out and crying my eyes out in jail.”

“No person should have to go through this,” T-Dubb-O said, “whether it’s in America, Palestine, Mexico, Brazil, Canada. Nobody should have to go through this. You look at a bunch of young people [in Ferguson], their age ranges anywhere from 12 to 28 or 29, that went against the most powerful military force in this world. That’s pretty much what happened. … That’s not what’s explained, but that’s what it was. It was tanks on every corner, our phones tapped, they follow us. Every day we was out there we thought we were gonna die. At one point in time they said they were gonna kill us. ‘We’re not shooting rubber bullets tonight, we’re shooting live ammunition.’ And these are the things that you don’t see on the news. It was just because we was tired of being treated as less than people. Just for opportunity to be able to walk the streets and live and breath and do what everybody else does. And that’s pretty much what we was fighting for. I mean, the level of oppression, it’s kind of hard to fathom, and believe that it’s actually true in America, especially the middle of America. But it’s real, where you have people that are judged off the neighborhoods they come from and the color of their skin and they’re denied certain opportunities.”

“In St. Louis if you’ve been arrested and you’re facing a misdemeanor or felony charges, you’re not allowed a Pell Grant to go to college,” he said. “So if you can’t afford to pay to go to college you’re just stuck. If you’re on probation and you’re trying to get a job, it’s a right-to-work state, they have the right to deny you employment because of your past. They don’t have to give you an opportunity to work. Where do they leave you, back in the same system that puts you in the same position where you made the first mistake. It’s all set up like this.”

“I’ve been tear-gassed six times,” Tyler said. “I’ve been put on the car, had different guns to my head. I’ve been shot at with rubber bullets, live ammo, wooden bullets, bean bag bullets, sound cannons, everything you can think of. I’ve went up against militarized police, and they did different things like a five-second rule, like I would get arrested if I stood still for longer than five seconds. I would get arrested if I didn’t walk longer than five seconds. It was just different things. They don’t wear their name badges. They don’t tell us who they are. They’re not transparent at all. They harass us. Women have been hogtied, beaten. I got arrested for standing on the sidewalk, just recording them.”

T-Dubb-O after the murder of Brown and the unrest in Ferguson was invited with other community leaders to meet with President Barack Obama in the White House. The president, he said, spoke “in clichés” about black-on-black crime, the necessity of staying in school, working hard and the importance of voting.

“He asked me did I vote for him,” he said, “I told him no. I didn’t vote for him either time, because I didn’t want to vote for him just because he was black. I felt like that would have been shallow on my end. Because he’s never honestly spoken and touched and said he was going to do anything for my community or the issues that we face on a daily basis, so why would I vote for somebody like that, whether you white, black, male, female, so on and so forth?”

As president he is proof that the system works, Obama told T-Dubb-O. The hip-hop artist said this statement shows how out of touch Obama is with the reality faced by poor people of color.
“When you have an 11-year-old boy whose mother is single, or has a single father who’s working two or three jobs just to put food on the table, he has to wake up at 5:30 in the morning, catch public transportation to school,” T-Dubb-O said. “Everything around him is damnation. You can’t expect an 11-year-old to have the mental capacity of an adult, to say I’m going to make the mature decisions and not get into trouble. So I don’t care about black-on-black crime. I don’t care about the normal cliché of working hard, you can do anything, you can accomplish, because that’s bullshit. And excuse my language, but I can’t tell a little boy up the street in my neighborhood, where over a hundred murders happened last year, that he can be an astronaut if he wants to be, because that’s not possible.”

“I think D.C. is a perfect example of what America is,” he said. “You have this big white house representing the government, that was built by slaves, that’s beautiful, excellent manicured lawns, and right outside the gate you have 50 homeless people sleeping in a park. Right outside of the gate of the White House. That perfectly describes America.”

“The difference between us and those leaders is that we aren’t doing it for fame, we aren’t doing it for political gain, we aren’t doing it for money,” he said, speaking of Obama, Sharpton, Jackson, Dyson and the other establishment black leaders. “We’re doing it because every day that we’ve lived we’ve been denied normal human rights, and we could have lost our life. We don’t believe those leaders are properly representing our community. Because they are no longer a part of the community, they don’t speak for the community, and honestly they don’t do much for it. They do some things, because they have to, being 501(c)3s, but they don’t speak for the people.”

Jackson and Sharpton have been heckled by crowds in Ferguson and told to leave, along with crews from CNN. Tyler described CNN and other major news outlets, which steadfastly parrot back the official narrative, as “worse than politicians, worse than police.”

“So people in Ferguson is basically like, fuck Al Sharpton, and fuck Jesse Jackson, for real,” Tyler said. “And that’s the best way I can put it, for real, because they are co-opted, first off. They had their own movement. They were co-opted. Their movement got destroyed. Now they want to come to the new leaders and try to come in our movement and give guidance and stuff, but it’s a totally different generation. They marched with suits and ties and sung ‘Kumbaya’ and stuff. It’s people out there that look like him,” she said, motioning to T-Dubb-O, “shirtless, tattoos, like Bloods, Crips, whatever, out there just mad, because they was pissed off and they was passionate about it.”

“Jesse Jackson came, actually we were in the middle of a prayer for Michael Brown’s mother, and we were at the memorial site in Canfield Apartments, where he was killed and laid down in the street for four and a half hours,” Tyler said. “Everyone has their heads bowed and he comes over and starts shouting ‘No justice, no peace’ in the middle of a prayer. So instantly the community is pissed the fuck off—like who the hell is this? I finally recognized his face. I went over to him, because the guys were ready to fight him. Like, you don’t come over here and, this mother’s grieving, we’re all upset, and break up our prayer. And he’s all like ‘No justice, no peace!’ He has his bullhorn, and his sign and everything, just for a photo op. So I went over and I said to him, you probably should leave, because they’re really angry and they’re gonna get you out of here. And he was like ‘No justice, no peace!’ and he just kept chanting. So I moved out of the way, and the dudes told him, like ‘Hey bro, if you don’t back the fuck up we’re gonna make you leave.’ And he’s like, ‘This is what’s wrong with us!’ and ‘generational divide!’ and everything like that. And you know the community wasn’t taking for it, so he got scared, and him and the people he came with, like his best-dressed suit on and everything, and everybody was out there shirtless, or tank tops, or just in their normal clothes. And he came out there with a cameraman and everything, like this is just a frenzy or a freaking parade or something to film. So people were pissed off and he instantly left, and he hasn’t really been back since.”

“Every national organization you can think of is in St. Louis, Mo.,” T-Dubb-O said. “We have Urban League. We have the NAACP. We have all these different organizations. But yet for the last two decades we’ve always had one of the three top murder rates, one of the three highest crime rates. Poverty level is crazy, unemployment, you have all these mission statements on your website saying you do this and you do that, yet those programs aren’t available in our city. But you have offices here. You’re getting grants. But you’re not doing anything. And the community sees that now. So it’s gonna come a point in time to where all 501(c)3s,  and all organizations, have to actually be active in the communities that they’re representing.”

The young Ferguson activists respect only the few national black leaders who do not try to speak for the movement or use the unrest as a media backdrop to promote themselves. Among those they admire is Cornel West.

“He was kind of like a big brother or father of the movement,” Tyler said of West. “Instead of stepping up, he always brought me with him. He always uplifted us. They’ll try to put him in front of the camera, he’d always bring somebody with him. He would say, ‘These are the people, these are the new leaders of the world, and you guys need to talk to them.’ He’s very transparent. He always voices and uplifts our name.”

The activists are preparing for increased unrest. And they are preparing for increased state repression and violence.

“As far as politics,” T-Dubb-O said, “it’s going to go either one of two ways. Right now we have a window that’s closing pretty fast, to where we can either re-create this system for something that’s going to actually be equal for all people, or they’re going to re-create the system to where we’ll never be able to punch it in the mouth like we did in Ferguson again.”

“We don’t know what it’s gonna look like, honestly,” he said of the coming unrest. “It’s been legal to kill a black man in this country. Just since Mike Brown, 11 more people has been killed by police in St. Louis alone, one being a woman who was raped then hung in jail. But none of the other murders got national coverage. It was just two standoffs with police yesterday. So I mean, we don’t know what that’s going to look like. We know we’re dedicated. We’re going to continue to fight. It’s going to take full-fledged revolution to make a change. The worst of the worst would be civil war. That’s just where my mind is.”

“I don’t see them pulling back,” he said of the state and its security forces. “They have no problem killing people. They have no problem shooting gas at babies, pregnant people, old people. They don’t have an issue with it. And our politicians are just standing around with their arms folded.”

“As long as the powers that be are in control, the oppression isn’t going to go anywhere,” he said. “It’s really going to take people to unite worldwide, not just in America, not just in St. Louis, not just in one particular city or state. It’s gonna have to be people identifying their struggles with each other worldwide, internationally, and say enough is enough. That’s the only way oppression will ever leave.”

                                            ***************

OneLove

:::MME:::

Poet's Nook:"An Overreaction" by Sarah O'Neal




In light of #BlackLivesMatter protests across the country, people have been reflecting on the nature of race in America and how deeply entrenched racist values & practices are within the fabric of American society, history & culture. How would Martin Luther King Jr. have responded to the deaths of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Freddie Gray and many other black men and women who have been killed by police? 19-year-old spoken-word poet Sarah O'Neal recites her poem “An Overreaction,” where she speaks about Dr. King and her frustration at having to defend the protests/protesters.

Sarah O'Neal is a student activist from the Bay Area. She graduated from the Middle College program at Santa Clara Unified & is now attending Mills College in Oakland where she plans on creating her own major. She is also an athlete on the Mills College swim team, and believes real education is a powerful tool for the liberation of oppressed peoples. She is involved with Youth Speaks Inc., which you can find out more about at www.youthspeaks.org.



OneLove

:::MME:::


Apr 29, 2015

Same Old Story


"A riot is the language of the unheard"~Dr. Martin Luther King



When I saw Baltimore erupt on Monday in a fit of anger & disgust as a result of the media attention on the death of Freddie Gray, the 25-year-old African-American man who died of neck injuries suffered in police custody after he was arrested for running (he did nothing wrong), it resurrected a song from within by The Whispers who sang:


Another day has come and gone
In a world where I don't belong
Another week has passed me by
It's not because I didn't try
Nobody saw me walking
And nobody heard me talking
Seems like I gotta do wrong, gotta do wrong, gotta do wrong
Before they notice me


Another job that I just can't get
A nice apartment, the landlord just won't rent
I go to bed, but my sleep just won't come
My belly's empty and my brain is numb
Nobody saw me walking
And nobody heard me talking
Seems like I gotta do wrong, gotta do wrong, gotta do wrong


Before they notice me




Folks at CNN, Fox, NBC, etc - you know, the usual cabal of disinformation specialists - are so quick to label these unfortunate souls "thugs", "looters", "violent", "miscreants". "Our" politicians also toe the line of castigating those who choose to destroy their communities. Yesterday Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky) blamed the Baltimore protests on the  "lack of fathers"in the black communities which strikes me as quite interesting as his own son was recently arrested for drunk driving for the third time. What a delusional, quacky hypocrite. 


Yes, I understand wanton chaos and disorder are against what we expect from a civilized society, but what has this so-called civilized society done to the people who reside in West Baltimore? In sections of Detroit...St. Louis....South Carolina...Chicago..Philadelphia???? The answer to the pleas of more jobs, better schools, affordable housing, summer youth programs & community / sports facilities is outsourcing of jobs, privatization of schools, gentrification and heavy-handed, color-coded abuse & punishment. And you wonder "why are they so violent?

Violent rage should be condemned, no doubt, but more importantly, it should be understood within its proper context. This maligning of a group of downtrodden people does nothing constructive and only hardens the hearts of people already severely misinformed of what is going on in the world around them. In this era, lies have become comfortable truths. As Walter Scott once quipped, "“Oh, what a tangled web we weave...when first we practice to deceive.” 


Things will simmer and down the memory hole this will go only to resurface again..and again...As Jon Stewart wisely observed recently, "These cyclical eruptions appear like tragedy cicadas, depressing in their similarity, predictability, and intractability.”

The question is will society ever wake up and honestly look itself in the mirror? 




OneLove



:::MME:::





Apr 26, 2015

The Murderous Scam White Elites Have Perpetrated on Blacks and Whites for at Least 4 Centuries by Chauncey DeVega




The idea of "whiteness" as a strict racial category superior to others is an invention of Europeans, who needed to legitimate and normalize a system of white on black chattel slavery, global empire, and colonialism as being preordained by nature and God.

Yet the “common sense” belief that the racial ideology known as Whiteness has always existed is one of the greatest tricks in human history.

In all, Whiteness is a new invention. The ways in which it has been naturalized signals to its powerful role in an American society that was built upon a foundation of white supremacy, and that continues to maintain institutionalized systems of white advantage over people of color in the 21st century.

Of course, all white people do not benefit in the same way from the racial ideology known as Whiteness: class, gender, sexual orientation hugely impact their lives, among many other identities. 

However, as a group, all white people benefit from Whiteness relative to non-whites.

But if Whiteness is a type of invention, then who created it? And to whose advantage does Whiteness continue to work for and serve in the present?

Writing at Metro, Quinn Morton offers the following helpful observation about America's early history. 

As time went on, the labor needs of the land holders continued to grow, and desperate to cultivate the land, they were loathe to let go of their bond servants and the bondsmen and bondswomen’s children (whom they kept in bondage for a legally defined time as well). In the mean time, a growing American peasantry was proving as difficult to govern as the European peasantry back home, periodically rising up in riot and rebellion, light skinned and dark skinned together. The political leaders of the Virginia colony struck upon an answer to all these problems, an answer which plagues us to this day.

The Virginians legislated a new class of people into existence: the whites. They gave the whites certain rights, and took other rights from blacks. White, as a language of race, appears in Virginia around the 1680s, and seems to first appear in Virginia law in 1691. And thus whiteness, and to a degree as well blackness, was born in the mind of America.

As of the 18th century whites could not be permanently enslaved as they sometimes had been before, and black slaves could never work their way to freedom.

This has resulted in a system where centuries later race is still how class is lived in America.

The bargains that created Whiteness in the 17th century continue into the 21st as race continues to over-determine a given person’s life chances and economic class status.


For example, decades of housing segregation—the result of racially discriminatory federal programs in the post World War 2 era such as the Veterans Administration and Federal Housing Administration home loan programs—created wealth opportunities for whites that were denied to black and brown Americans. Those policies had a profound impact on America’s racial wealth gap where in the 21st century whites now possess at least 10 times the wealth of blacks and Latinos.


Research by New York University economist Edward Wolff suggests that the racial wealth gap could be even more extreme, with whites actually possessing almost seventy times more wealth than African-Americans. Social scientists have documented persistent patterns of racial discrimination against people of color in the American labor market: White men with a high school degree are just as likely to receive an interview for the same job as African-Americans with a college degree. White men with felonies are just as, if not more likely, to receive an interview for the same position as a black man who does not have a criminal record.

In one particularly troubling experiment, researchers at the University of Chicago documented how job seekers with “black sounding” names were significantly less likely to receive job interviews than white applicants with similar resumes and qualifications for the same job.

This discrimination is of great cost to the United States economy with conservative estimates suggesting that at least 1 trillion dollars is lost annually to the “market inefficiencies” caused by white racism.

People of color, in particular African-Americans, were and are profoundly disadvantaged in terms of life chances because of the arbitrary distinctions that demarcate “race” along the colorline and deem black Americans to be at the bottom of the racial hierarchy.

In this way, Whiteness and white privilege are types of societal sins that hurt the Common Good. Historically, White racial group membership was the basement below which no white person could fall in America. Here, the “lowest” white person was elevated over the most accomplished, intelligent, and successful person of color.

What Quinn describes as “white exceptionalism” elevates mediocre and under-achieving white people over non-whites by virtue of perceived racial group membership. Ironically, white exceptionalism has in fact cultivated a type of mediocrity among white people.

Whiteness and white privilege have also compromised the morality and ethics of White America.

How?

White America has for most of its history, chosen to embrace white supremacy and white identity politics as the glue with which to connect a diversity of interests, peoples, and beliefs under the broad umbrella of Whiteness.  

In the United States, Whiteness (and the privileges that would come with it) united disparate groups of European immigrants with the hope of being elevated over non-whites.


For most of United States history, Whiteness has often trumped human dignity and the country’s (supposed) founding principles of freedom, democracy, and liberty for all.

As philosopher Charles Mills, and historian Edmond Morgan have incisively argued, anti-black sentiment was the glue that tied together the White democratic project at the time of the United States’ founding because freedom for whites was defined precisely in juxtaposition to slavery and oppression for black slaves and other non-whites.

It is important to reiterate that not all white people benefit the same way from Whiteness and white privilege. Whiteness may pay white people a type of psychological wage in an American society that has historically been structured around maintaining, perpetuating, and protecting the power and dominance of white people over people of color…but, class still matters.

Whiteness is a strategic invention of White elites that the white poor and working classes also bought into.

In that role, Whiteness has worked for centuries to disadvantage working class and poor white people by convincing them to sacrifice the promises and hopes of alliances across lines of race in the service of shared economic interests on the twin altars of white racial tribalism and white exceptionalism.

American history is littered with many such lost opportunities.

During the 17th century, race and Whiteness in America were created in the crucible known as “Bacon’s Rebellion.” White and black indentured servants and other laborers were united together in common interest against the landed elite. But, white elites were able to utilize the tactic of divide and conquer by granting white indentured servants land, guns, and money at the end of their term of service. This elevated poor whites over their former black allies because the same white elites in turn mandated that chattel slavery was a permanent and unique type of punishment and servitude exclusive to black people.

After the American Civil War, the South briefly entered into a radically democratic transformative political moment known as Reconstruction. Former freed slaves and their white allies began to introduce political and social changes such as more access to schools for the poor, improving public works, giving more negotiating power to agrarian laborers, and creating a government that was more responsive to the people instead of the quasi feudal system of governance that dominated the antebellum South.

White racial terrorism in the form of the KKK and other armed paramilitary groups, the white planter class, and white Southerners across lines of class resisted and fought back against the democratic experiment led by African-Americans during the Reconstruction era.

Many of the changes proposed and enacted by African-American elected officials in the postbellum South would have been to the advantage of all working class and poor whites. Instead, white identity politics, (first with the Black Codes and then Jim and Crow), the withdrawal of Northern support for Reconstruction, and inventing the lie of a noble Southern “Lost Cause”, one that was later reinforced in the white popular imagination by viciously racist popular culture such as Birth of a Nation and Gone with the Wind, defeated that nascent experiment in American democracy.


During the late 19th century, the American Populist movement worked to raise the living standards for all Americans in the Gilded Age of robber baron capitalism, violence, and rampant abuse against the poor and working farmers and other workers. Concentrated primarily in the South and West, Populists struggled to create a more democratically inclusive government and fair economy.

In the South, Populist leaders tried to rally both white and black farmers against white bankers and others elites who held them economically hostage. In his famous 1892 Georgia speech, Tom Watson made the following appeal for an alliance across lines of race in the interest of shared class struggles:

"You are made to hate each other because on that hatred is rested the keystone of the arch of financial despotism which enslaves you both. You are deceived and blinded because you do not see how this race antagonism perpetuates a monetary system that beggars you both. The colored tenant is in the same boat as the white tenant, the colored laborer with the white laborer and that the accident of color can make no difference in the interests of farmers, croppers and laborers." 

But again, the manipulation of white racial animus and anxiety helped to break the movement as white elites used terrorism and white supremacist appeals to break the intraracial alliances at the heart of the Populist movement.

During the 1950s and 1960s, the Black Freedom Struggle in the United States reached its height with policy successes such as the Voting and Civil Rights acts, desegregation the United States military, other laws striking down Jim and Jane Crow, events such as the Freedom Rides, as well as the March on Washington. While the Civil Rights Movement had its primary focus on the full enfranchisement of Black Americans by securing their full citizenship as both a matter of day-to-day practice and also under the law, it was also focused on economic justice as well.

The iconic March on Washington and its speech by American hero and titan Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., was actually called the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. While Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., has been robbed of all of his radicalism by the American mythmaking apparatus, his message—and that of many of his peers—was one that was anti-war, for full employment, that sought a more fair tax system, and wanted to ensure that the poor and working classes in America had an equal opportunity to succeed. Dr. King would be assassinated while working in Memphis, Tennessee on a campaign in support of sanitation workers.

Dr. King’s radically democratic and inclusive vision for improving American society would meet great resistance when he turned his attention to racism and white supremacy in America’s northern cities. White northerners were very resistant to his efforts to expand fair housing and to end segregation. The media and political elites turned on Dr. King, where by the time of his death he was viewed by white Americans as one of the country’s most unpopular public figures.

Dr. King’s broadly humanistic and radical vision would have improved the lives of white and working class—and yes, even middle class—Americans across the colorline. But, white racial resentment and hostility to his dream cut short the full potential of the Civil Rights Movement as what some historians have come to describe as a type of third American founding and rebirth.

Whiteness as an anti-democratic and exclusionary identity and racial ideology could not expand to include Dr. King and the movement’s humanistic dreaming.

The rise of Reagan and the White Right in the post civil rights era is an additional moment when Whiteness and white identity politics would hurt white people. The “new” Republican Party is masterful in its ability to manipulate white racial animus and resentment against African-Americans and other people of color to serve its agenda. During the 1970s and 1980s, the Republican Party developed what came to be known as “the Southern Strategy” where by giving poverty a black and brown face, exaggerating black criminality, and playing on white fears of “affirmative action” and “reverse racism”, they would be able to win over white male working class voters across the Midwest and Northeast, as well as white Southerners.

By distorting and misrepresenting crime and poverty as cultural pathologies exclusive to black Americans, the White Right and the Republican Party are able to attack a broad range of social safety net programs such as support for poor children, food assistance programs, unemployment insurance, and the broader idea that there should be federal assistance and aid for Americans in their time of economic hardship. Cuts to these programs are in turn used to subsidize global corporations that outsource American jobs, destroy the middle class, and give further tax cuts to the plutocrats and the 1 percent.

The way that the Republican Party (and some of their “centrist” neoliberal allies in the Democratic Party) has racialized poverty causes great harm to poor and working class white people because they are the largest recipients of government poverty subsidies and other forms of aid. This is especially true in Red State America, where anti-black and brown animus by white elites is used to legitimate efforts to remove aid and assistance for the poor in a part of the country that is disproportionately dependent on such programs.

Ultimately, a possessive investment in Whiteness can be easily manipulated by Right-wing elites and others toward the end goal of serving the interests of financial and economic elites at the expense of the vast majority of the white public.

Voters make decisions based on a number of factors. Not all of them are economic or financial. The White Right and the Republican Party are able to advance their agenda because many members of the white public believe that they are punishing black and brown people when in fact they are also hurting themselves. The psychological wages of Whiteness often damage the economic interests of White America as a whole. This is an old story in America.

In the Age of Obama, Whiteness and white exceptionalism are in the midst of a type of crisis, a type of schizophrenia and derangement.

In this America, narratives about “the browning of America” create a sense of peril and fear. Yet, American history demonstrates how Whiteness expands to include new groups as a way of maintaining its dominance.

White racial paranoiac thinking excuse-makes for and legitimates the repeated killing of unarmed black people by America’s police and other such abuses. But, the militarization of police, the rise of the surveillance society, and how thug cops routinely abuse and violate the civil rights of the public (usually without any consequences) should be a concern for all Americans—this is especially true for white people because in absolute numbers they are the ones subjected to the most police violence.

America twice elected a President of the United States who happens to be black. However, Obama’s elections have been responded to by overt white racism, white conspiranoid thinking such as Birtherism, a rise in hate groups, Herrenvolk white identity organizations such as The Tea Party, and a Republican Party that now fully embraces its role as the United States’ premier white identity organization.

America’s popular culture is heavily influenced by African-Americans and other people of color. Moreover, young people in America appear to be more racially tolerant and embracing of racial and social justice. But “backstage” and “colorblind” racism are now the norm, and new data even suggests that contrary to popular belief, white “Millennials” are almost as racist as their parents and grandparents.

In the post civil rights era, the United States transformed into a neoliberal, multicultural corporate democracy. As a function of this arrangement, social and racial justice is superficial and made secondary to profit maximizing and the transfer of wealth and resources from the people up to a parasitic financial elite class. Whiteness still pays dividends. But, those dividends are not the same or as great as they once were.

Quinn Norton brilliantly explains this reality:

White exceptionalism, and even the elitism of old, finds their end in this age of global troubles. There is no sanity in maintaining these standards of difference. All our children share one destiny — to live their lives at the bottom of the same polluted gravity well, trying, and usually failing, to get their needs met as the acid seas encroach the land and the great variety of life dies before us.

Race still matters. And one must also be weary of surrendering to crude appeals which insist that “class is more important than race”. No. Race and class work together in a complex relationship that sustains social inequality and injustice. Both variables—in addition to gender, sexuality, and other identities—must be understood if the Common Good is to be served in the shadow of the neoliberal age.

Income inequality is one of the great challenges of America in the 21st century, in many ways the foundations for such a socially deleterious state of affairs was laid hundreds of years ago:

As the illuminating map generated by that study shows, children born in some regions—Salt Lake City and San Jose, Calif., for example—have a reasonable shot of moving up the social ladder. By contrast, many parts of the former Confederacy, it seems, are now the places where the American dream goes to die.

Why is that true? At first blush, you might guess race could explain the variation. When the study’s authors crunched the data, they found that the larger the black population in any given county, the lower the overall social mobility. But there was more to the story than blacks unable to break the cycle of poverty. In a passing comment, Chetty and his co-authors observed that “both blacks and whites living in areas with large African-American populations have lower rates of upward income mobility.” Far from being divergent, the fates of poor blacks and poor whites in these regions are curiously, inextricably, intertwined…

Instead of chalking it up to race, recent research points toward a more startling and somewhat controversial explanation: When we see broad areas of inequality in America today, what we are actually seeing is the lingering stain of slavery. Since 2002, with increasing refinement in the years since, economic historians have argued that the “peculiar institution,” as it was once called, is dead but not gone. Today, in the 21st century, it still casts an economic shadow over both blacks and whites: “Slavery,” writes Harvard economist Nathan Nunn, “had a long-term effect on inequality as well as income.”

His work is representative of a new, more historical direction within economics.

Its proponents believe that institutions devised centuries ago tend to persist, structuring economic reality in the 21st century in ways that are largely invisible. Their hope is that, by tracing these connections between past and present, they may be able to point the way toward more effective solutions to today’s seemingly intractable economic problems.

Reflecting on the meaning of Whiteness in this “age of global troubles”, white people have many choices to make. Two of them are as follows.

In the spirit of a classic metaphor from antiquity such as Plato’s Allegory of the Cave, to a more recent blockbuster film such as The Matrix, or an auteur b-movie classic like They Live, do white people choose to see the complexities and realities of Whiteness for what it is or do they retreat back to the comforting ignorance of “white exceptionalism?”

As offered by civil rights activist, Freedom Rider, and scholar Paul Breines, the second question is “what sort of white person do I want to be?”

This is a foundational moral, ethical, and philosophical question for white people as they evaluate their relationship to Whiteness.

Is it possible for white people to live a fully ethical and humane life while still clinging to Whiteness in this “age of global troubles?” As resource scarcity, neoliberalism, Austerity, and the Culture of Cruelty grind down the working classes, the middle classes, and the poor on both sides of the global colorline, that question will need to be imminently answered.

                                                             *************

OneLove

:::MME:::

Apr 25, 2015

The Takedown by Max Blumenthal


Dr. Michael Eric Dyson                                                                             Dr Cornel West


Hoping to salvage Obama’s legacy and his own reputation, Michael Eric Dyson is lashing out at their most relentless African-American critic.


As the Obama era sputters to an end, new social movements are erupting in rebellion against a bankrupted bipartisan order that has doomed Americans to record levels of economic inequality, warehoused black bodies in a rapidly privatizing prison system, torn thousands of migrant families apart, outsourced unionized jobs to China and spread a dystopian assassination program across the far reaches of the globe. Activists confronting militarization on the US-Mexico border and organizers protesting lethal police violence under the banner of Black Lives Matter are sharing tactics with their counterparts from the Palestinian-led BDS (Boycott, Divest, and Sanctions) movement challenging Israeli apartheid on university campuses. The personal and intellectual cross-pollination between these variegated struggles is producing the most exciting surge of grassroots mobilization I have witnessed in my adult life. Not everyone is happy about it, however, and it’s not hard to understand why.
The structure under-girding movements like Black Lives Matter is intentionally non-hierarchical, making them difficult for institutional liberal political entities to co-opt or control. Organizers eschew a programmatic agenda that demands alliances of convenience with entrenched power, resorting instead to divestment drives, civil disobedience and Situationist-style urban disruptions. With their populist sensibility, they are capturing the sense of betrayal that is mounting among millenials, and they show little appetite for electoral contests that fail to answer the crisis. “I decided it is possible I’ll never vote for another American president for as long as I live,” the Ferguson-based rapper and activist Tef Poe has said about his past support for Obama.
Organized with little regard for the imperatives of the Democratic Party, and often aligned against them, the wave of grassroots mobilization is increasingly viewed as a wild beast that must be tamed. The condescending rants delivered against Black Lives Matter activists by Oprah Winfrey and Al Sharpton are salutary examples of the irritation spreading within established Democratic circles.
Few public intellectuals have positioned themselves at the nexus of these emerging movements as firmly Cornel West has. Earlier this month, I joined him on a panel at Princeton University to support a group of students and faculty seeking to pressure the school into divesting from companies involved in human rights abuses in occupied Palestinian territory. His presence boosted the morale of the young student activists who had suddenly fallen under attack by powerful pro-Israel forces. Days later, West joined veteran human rights activist Larry Hamm at Bethany Baptist Church in Newark for a discussion on local efforts against police brutality. It was in places like this, away from the national limelight, where West gathered his vital energy — and his righteous anger.
West’s investment in grassroots struggles ignored and even undermined by the Democratic Party has thrown him in direct conflict with the president and his supporters. He has been particularly withering in his criticisms of high profile African-American intellectuals and activists who have served as Obama’s most loyal defenders. In an August 2013 episode of the radio show he hosted at the time with Tavis Smiley, West mocked Sharpton as “the bonafide house negro of the Obama plantation.” He then let loose on his former friend and understudy, Michael Eric Dyson, describing him and Sharpton as White House tools “who’ve really prostituted themselves intellectually in a very ugly and vicious way.”
The stage was set for an epic response from Dyson, the Georgetown University professor of sociology, frequent MSNBC contributor, and committed Obama ally. Dyson’s counter-attack arrived on April 19 in The New Republic with an essay that read more like a diatribe, and which seemed unusually disproportionate, not only because it clocked in at 9309 words. Repurposing attacks on West by Leon Wieseltier and by Larry Summers, Dyson excoriated his one-time mentor as “a scold, a curmudgeonly and bitter critic who has grown long in the tooth but sharp in the tongue when lashing one-time colleagues and allies.” (He would later accuse West of "assaulting Black people.") The malevolent thrust of the piece was encapsulated in its title: “The Ghost of Cornel West.” Dyson had condemned West as politically irrelevant and intellectually exhausted — a dead man walking. Back in the early 1990's, West served on Dyson’s dissertation committee, helping earn him admission to Princeton’s school of religion. Two decades later, Dyson authored West's obituary.
Much of Dyson’s harangue was comprised of complaints about West’s unnecessarily ornery tone. Dyson went to great lengths to demonstrate that West’s experiments in spoken word poetry and acting were cringeworthy, and he wrote miles to prove that West was not, in fact, a Biblical prophet. But these details of what Dyson described as West’s “rise and fall” were at best peripheral to his real grievances. The fact is, if West had not taken on Obama so forcefully, Dyson would not have tried so hard to take him out.
Having spent much of the past seven years slathering praise on Obama to an almost embarrassing degree, Dyson was unable to find any space in TNR to acknowledge the president’s shortcomings. Refusing to concede the sincerity of West’s criticisms, he dismissed them instead as the product of personal pathology, casting West as a jilted lover who “felt spurned and was embittered” by Obama. Dyson went on to belittle West’s arrest in Ferguson alongside 49 others at a Moral Monday protest as a “highly staged and camera-ready gesture[] of civil disobedience.” At no point did Dyson recognize West’s outspoken opposition to the Obama-backed decimation of the Gaza Strip, his rejection of Obama’s drive to pass the secretive Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal, or his condemnation of the administration’s embrace of drone warfare. According to Dyson, West’s opposition to the president’s agenda could only be guided by an irrational madness.
While West engages with a panoply of urgent, interconnected human rights causes driving activism around the country, from mass incarceration (he authored the foreword to Michelle Alexander's groundbreaking "The New Jim Crow") to Palestine, Dyson has kept at a convenient arm's length from any cause that might conflict with White House imperatives. BDS might be sweeping American campuses, but Dyson has been largely silent on Israel's endless occupation. Dyson carps about character assassination, but he is reticent on drone assassinations. Since Obama entered the Oval Office, Dyson has had much more to say about Nas than the NSA.
There was a fleeting moment when Dyson’s language on Obama tracked closely with West’s. It was back in March 2010, at Tavis Smiley’s “We Count!” convention, an experience he briefly alluded to in TNR, but which failed to convey in detail. Before an audience of thousands and at a roundtable filled with civil rights icons from Jesse Jackson to Louis Farrakhan to West, Dyson launched into an impassioned sermon accusing Obama of abandoning black America. “Why is it that to deal with black folk, we are persona non grata?..” Dyson boomed. “You bailed out the notorious AIG, you bailed them out. You bailed out General Motors but you can’t bail out African American people who put together dimes and nickels…to make sure that you could get up in the White House?” As West gestured his enthusiastic approval and the crowd roared, Dyson ratcheted up his rhetoric: “You think Obama is Moses. He is not Moses, he is Pharaoh!” All of a sudden, Dyson’s audience turned against him, groaning its disapproval. With his confidence visibly shaken, he qualified his comments: “I’m not doggin’ [Obama], I’m talking about his office!”
In the months and years that followed his dramatic We Count! appearance, Dyson registered at least 19 visits to the White House. He became a fixture on MSNBC, delivering regular punditry on the Comcast-owned network that was functioning as the outsourced public relations arm of the Obama administration. By Obama’s second term, Dyson was filling in for MSNBC host Ed Schultz, rattling off teleprompted scripts about Republican wingnuttery while hailing Obama’s National Security Advisor Susan Rice as “one of the most brilliant minds alive.” Following the publication of his TNR essay on West, he has begun trumpeting a book he is writing on Obama.
"You know, I got like 17 books in," Dyson boasted to Ebony. "I gotta make my first like my last and my last like my first."
In the twilight of the Obama era, Dyson has become a political prisoner trapped within the stultifying confines set by the president, his party, and network executives with little patience for dissent. He has linked his reputation to Obama’s legacy to an inextricable degree, prompting him to defend them both against their most relentless critic. Dressed up as a high-minded scholarly critique, his attack on West was ultimately an exercise in self-justification.

Dr Cornel West's Response:
The escalating deaths and sufferings in Black and poor America and the marvelous new militancy in our Ferguson moment should compel us to focus on what really matters: The life and death issues of police murders, poverty, mass incarceration, drones, TPP (unjust trade policies), vast surveillance, decrepit schools, unemployment, Wall Street power, Israeli occupation of Palestinians, Dalit resistance in India, and ecological catastrophe.
Character assassination is the refuge of those who hide and conceal these issues in order to rationalize their own allegiance to the status quo. I am neither a saint nor prophet, but I am a Jesus-loving free Black man in a Great Tradition who intends to be faithful unto death in telling the truth and bearing witness to justice. I am not beholden to any administration, political party, TV channel or financial sponsor because loving suffering and struggling peoples is my point of reference. Deep integrity must trump cheap popularity. Nothing will stop or distract my work and witness, even as I learn from others and try not to hurt others.
But to pursue truth and justice is to live dangerously. In the spirit of John Coltrane’s LOVE SUPREME, let us focus on what really matters: the issues, policies, and realities that affect precious everyday people catching hell and how we can resist the lies and crimes of the status quo!

                                            ***************************

OneLove

:::MME:::


Apr 22, 2015

Amusing Ourselves to Death: Aldous Huxley vs George Orwell




Orwell worried himself and us with his dystopian view of the powers that be, manipulating our moves and thoughts. Huxley knew that that would not be necessary – we would end up doing it to ourselves…



OneLove

 :::MME:::

Apr 21, 2015

Behind a Cloak of Lies



(In this excerpt from Bob Coen and Eric Nadler's film "Shadow War of the Sahara", broadcast on the Franco-German channel ARTE charts the rise of the U.S.military's AFRICA COMAND (AFRICOM). This excerpt reveals why AFRICOM's chief critic, Libya's Mohammar Gaddafi, had to be removed from power for the project to succeed.)



The late Gaddafi wrote, 

They want to do to Libya what they did to Iraq and what they are itching to do to Iran. They want to take back the oil, which was nationalized by these country’s revolutions. They want to re-establish military bases that were shut down by the revolutions and to install client regimes that will subordinate the country’s wealth and labor to imperialist corporate interests. All else is lies and deception.” 

The gold bullion held by the Libyan Central Bank (March 2011) was among the 25 largest reserves in the world, as reported by the Financial Times, citing the International Monetary Fund. This provided Libya a critical lifeline after billions of Libya’s assets were seized by the United States and the 27 member states of the European Union. Many believe the NATO-led invasion of Libya was about oil and a vast wealth of other natural resources. Yet another critical element that few are aware of is the fact that Gaddafi had planned to introduce a single African currency made from gold. [Of this proposed African currency] Dr James Thring stated, 

It’s one of these things that you have to plan almost in secret, because as soon as you say you’re going to change over from the dollar to something else, you’re going to be targeted … There were two conferences on this, in 1986 and 2000, organized by Gaddafi. … Most countries in Africa were keen.

 This would have eradicated the US Dollar and Euro as trade currencies for Africa. Here are some Facts you probably do not know about Libya under Muammar Gaddafi: 

• There was no electricity bills in Libya; electricity was free … for all its citizens. 
• There was no interest on loans, banks in Libya were state-owned and loans given to all its citizens at 0% interest by law.
 • If a Libyan was unable to find employment after graduation, the state would pay the average salary of the profession as if he or she is employed until employment is found. 
• If Libyans wanted to take up a farming career, they received farm land, a house, equipment, seed and livestock to kick start their farms –this was all for free.
 • Gaddafi carried out the world’s largest irrigation project, known as the Great Man-Made River project, to make water readily available throughout the desert country. 
• A home was considered a human right in Libya. (In Qaddafi’s Green Book it states: “The house is a basic need of both the individual and the family, therefore it should not be owned by others.”) 
• All newlyweds in Libya would receive 60,000 Dinar (US$ 50,000 ) by the government to buy their first apartment so to help start a family. 
• A portion of Libyan oil sales is or was credited directly to the bank accounts of all Libyan citizens.
 • A mother who gives birth to a child would receive US $5,000. 
• When a Libyan buys a car, the government would subsidizes 50% of the price. 
• The price of petrol in Libya was $0.14 per liter.
 • For $ 0.15, a Libyan local could purchase 40 loaves of bread. 
• Education and medical treatments was all free in Libya. Libya can boast one of the finest health care systems in the Arab and African World. All people have access to doctors, hospitals, clinics and medicines, completely free of charge. 
• If Libyans cannot find the education or medical facilities they need in Libya, the government would fund them to go abroad for it – not only free but they get US $2,300/month accommodation and car allowance. 
• 25% of Libyans have a university degree. Before Gaddafi only 25% of Libyans were literate. Today the figure is 87%. 
• Libya had no external debt

Was Gadaffi the evil tyrant the West made him out to be? Granted, no leader is a saint by any stretch of the imagination. They all have their skeletons. If anyone can answer the above question, it’ would be a Libyan citizen who  lived under his reign. Indubitably, he had his detractors. Whatever the case, it seems rather apparent that he did some positive things for his country despite the infamous notoriety surrounding his name. 
It never fails to amaze me how the mass media puts a veil over the world.....

"The truth is an offense, but not a sin"~~Bob Marley

OneLove

:::MME::: 


Apr 19, 2015

Ball Point Masterpieces



Ghana-based artist Enam Bosokah creates amazing portraits using only a blue ballpoint pen!! The beautiful portrait drawings depict world leaders, writers, as well as children and couples. Bosokah’s work is incredibly detailed and full of emotion. Bosokah says: ”Although I love sculpture, I have a real opportunity with African paintings. This is it. I am very much open to art and what it can bring to me and people who love my work.”
In addition to fine art work, he does do commissioned portraits so if you would like to support this talented artist, make sure to follow him on Facebook and share his work!












Support our amazing arttists!!
OneLove

:::MME:::

Technocapitalism: Bitcoin, Mars, and Dystopia w/Loretta Napoleoni

  We are living through an incipient technological revolution. AI, blockchain, cryptocurrencies, commercial space travel, and other i...